Over the few weeks, I’ve been writing an appendix to my book on oil, photography, and archaeology in the Bakken oil patch of North Dakota. The appendix is a brief summary of our work in the Bakken grounded in our publications for a reader who might not be entirely familiar with our work and who might want a more firmer grounding in a traditional archaeological narrative. Here’s part 1, part 2, part 3, and below is the fourth of four parts.
III.4: Conclusions
The North Dakota Man Camp Project witnessed significant changes over the five years worth of time spent traveling, visiting, and documenting workforce housing in the Bakken. As I have already noted, by then, some of the most visible temporary and improvised Type 3 camps, such as the famous Walmart parking lot camp, had already vanished and the small Type 3 camps like the one described in section 3 had become rare. This reflects the steady growth in the number of beds in the Bakken region in hotels, Type 1 and Type 2 camps, and new housing starts (Caraher et al. 2017, 269; Caraher and Weber 2020, 292; Hodur et al. 2022). By 2014, the demographic boom that had shaped the Bakken region had begun to subside (Conway 2020) and housing pressure released (albeit with persistent complications: Gershenson et al. 2024). As early as 2014, our fieldwork had begun to reveal changes to the material conditions present in workforce housing sites. As a way of concluding this appendix, this section looks to manage the tension between local responses to the boom and the fragmented reality that the region experienced as the specter of a bust came into view.
In 2012, a stay at Capital Lodge near Tioga, a large Type 1 camp, required an involved registration process, payment by wire transfer, and detailed check in. The camp was bustling, the parking lot full of trucks, the dining hall crowded at breakfast and dinner, and the food options plentiful and diverse. In 2015, when we returned, the camp was nearly empty, the dining hall quiet, the registration and check-in process simplified. It ceased operation later that year and after a few failed attempts to get the area rezoned for a hotel, the camp was dismantled leaving only the inflatable quonset hut, broken PVC piping, piles of pressure treated lumber, and the forlorn gatehouse remaining. Elsewhere in the region, the large Type 1 camps that lined US 85 on its route into Williston have similarly vanished leaving only footprints behind. Those within Williston city limits sought to avoid a September 1, 2017 deadline for their removal through a series of lawsuits, but this merely delayed the inevitable. In 2015, the abortive Great American Lodge, financed by a Ponzi-scheme, sat unopened with towels resting on the feet neatly made beds and a well appointed dining hall still awaiting new guests. A year later, workers were removing the units for transportation to new sites elsewhere. Finally, the “stackables” at the eastern border of Mountrail county by 2015 and a visit in 2016 showed signs of squatting. By 2018, the stackables were gone. Today, most of these sites remain unoccupied and those around Tioga, for example, have not returned to agricultural use.
Type 2 camps likewise showed a contraction. Some of the more remote camps, such as the ragtag Type 2 that developed amid the abandoned town of Wheelock disappeared as early as 2013. The dry camp north of Alexander, where we met the fisher, had a few mobile homes installed in 2013 and by 2015, the camp was largely abandoned. Today it is a storage lot for hay and farm equipment. The camp that had taken over the lots around the old school at Ross, North Dakota, between Stanley and Tioga was bustling between 2012-2014 before slowly contracting and disappearing by 2018. A 84-lot camp to the north of the rail line that bisects Ross showed a pattern of decline typical of larger Type 2 camps. The camp opened in 2013 financed by investors from Arizona and operated by a manger from Georgia. By December 2014 showed signs of RVs being pulled out in the dead of winter leaving behind an outline of skirting and exposed PVC sewage pipes. By March 2015, the camp was even more run down with entire mudrooms sitting in lots exposed to the elements where the trailer had been removed (Caraher and Weber 2013, 101). In two short years, the general state of the camp declined with more trash, abandoned lots, and more weathered and damaged units. MC11, documented in the photographs in this book, represents a more gradual decline characteristic of the larger camps closer to larger towns. It opened in 2012 and could accommodate nearly 300 units. Over the next five years, its fortunes ebbed and flowed as the previous section showed. Changes in ownership, in management, and in occupancy rates shaped the character of the camp. In the winter of 2013/2014, the camp suffered when the septic and water system froze leaving residents without water or toilets for over a week. By 2014, s interview with camp employees (see Appendix I) showed, there was less talk about community and more a the trash, vehicles, human waste, and drug paraphernalia left behind. Residents and employees also observed that some of the community oriented activities that occurred in previous years had declined in the camp. There were no more children’s movie nights, craft bees, and fewer casual conversations in the the camp. There were more vacant lots, more RVs with eviction notices on them, and more abandoned cars, RVs, and mudrooms.
The material conditions at the various man camps offers evidence for the Bakken “bust.” The empty lots, eviction notices, and shifting concerns toward abandonment, waste, and post-boom strategies would appear to mark a point in trajectory from boom to bust. At the same time, counter narratives existed. Residents and camp managers, for example, continued to express a sense of optimism that we called “Bakktimism” (Caraher et al. 2020: 300). In this narrative, the bust is illusory or temporary and the situation of the moment whether captured in a photograph, an interview, or a description in a notebook does not provide evidence for a larger trend. The willingness to fragment the present and to contend that it need not fit into a trajectory required by our commitment to a boom/bust cycle demonstrated in practical, everyday terms, the contingent instability of the contemporary.