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Will Paying Reviewers Ease the Peer Review Crisis? I am skeptical
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A report by Inside Higher Education presents promising trials of journals that paid reviewers for writing a report. Turnaround times dropped and the quality of reports was high. It is certainly good that journals explore payment of reviewers, but I … Continue reading →
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A report by Inside Higher Education presents promising trials of journals that paid reviewers for writing a report. Turnaround times dropped and the quality of reports was high. It is certainly good that journals explore payment of reviewers, but I am skeptical that this can ease the “peer review crisis”, meaning to improve low turnaround times and reduce difficulties in recruiting reviewers in the first place.

As the report states, this is plausible because the compensation likely induces a sense of commitment and responsibility that accelerates the review process. I think the key question is: Does a payment model scale? When I get one invitation for a paid review report, I give it priority, but may also put other reports on hold and may decline other invitations for non-paid reports. What would happen when I get paid for all reports and all create the same sense of responsibility? Would one attach priority to all of them, putting research and teaching commitments second? I find this unlikely, so paid reports at scale may leave us in the same place as we are right now. Or researchers become more selective in accepting invitations. This is probably superior to accepting invites and not delivering a report, but it may also mean that fewer manuscript get reviewed at all, which is not desirable, in my opinion.

In relation with this, I don’t follow this statement in the article: “There could be some percentage of papers that never get reviewed because it’s not worth a journal’s limited resources to peer review, which puts a quality stamp on the papers that do get reviewed,” he said. This seems circular. I think the quality stamp derives from the review reports, so how can one say that a manuscript is of low quality if it is not sent to reviewers in the first place? There may be clear cases for desk rejections, but also many grey cases for which low quality is not obvious and papers that seem promising at first and do not stand closer scrutiny.

Another point is the following: I believe that for papers on certain topics or using certain methods it is more difficult to find reviewers. The “field”, generally speaking, does not value them highly for reasons unrelated to quality. Maybe one would have to pay more for getting such papers reviewed, but even this may not help and may create wrong incentives for accepting peer review invitations in the first place.

There may be other arguments for or against paying reviewers. While the goal of easing current issues with the peer review system is laudable, I think payment of reviewers is not clearly an effective instrument for achieving this goal.

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The “LLM revolution” is likely to have uneven consequences for different social science methods
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The post discusses the implications of using LLMs like Claude Code in empirical research, emphasizing that while they may increase paper production, this doesn't guarantee quality or relevance. It highlights differences in adoption between quantitative and qualitative methods, predicting an uneven impact on research output and publication dynamics across disciplines. Continue reading →
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Disclaimer: In this post, I neither argue for nor against the use of Claude Code and equivalent LLM-based tools for empirical research. I neither argue here that producing papers at a higher rate is good or bad (this may be a subject for another post). I certainly object to the idea that the rate at which one publishes papers, with or without LLM assistance, is a good indicator for impact, quality, or relevance.

Multiple blog posts and many more social media posts announced something like a Claude code revolution. The increasing capabilities of LLMs, right now notably Claude Code, allow researchers to produce papers at a much higher rate than before, which is expected to lead to a significant increase in paper output that may overwhelm journals (see link to an X post making this claim in this blog post). There are open questions as to the quality and novelty of papers largely produced with LLM assistance. Even if LLMs cannot create “A papers”, however defined, right now, there seems to be agreement that LLM assistance allows one to produce papers that make a contribution to a certain field and have good chances of getting published in a solid journal.

So far, what I have seen seems to implicitly focus on quantitative research in the social sciences, broadly understood, and other disciplines. I think it is important to broaden the perspective because the LLM revolution is likely to have an uneven impact across research methods. For the purpose of this post, I distinguish between quantitative and qualitative methods and QCA.

For quantitative research, it seems safe to assume that adoption of LLM assistance for coding will be nearly uniform. It may also be used to assist the writing process or even write entire drafts of papers (unless journals or publishers impose bans on the latter use, which I don’t think will happen or, if it does, that bans can be sustained). Whether this is for the better or worse of research progress is a separate matter. The consequence for research output is that most quantitative researchers will be able to submit more papers than before. Regarding output alone, this means “the tide lifts all (quantitative) boats.” Some quantitative researchers may be better at using LLMs for research and increase their output more than others compared to the pre-LLM period. I do not see this as different from some researchers having been better able to code in Python or R, so, on average, LLM assistance will accelerate the output of all researchers who adopt it. This holds unless the productivity gains—productivity meant here as writing code or text that does the job in a certain amount of time—lead to the production of more ambitious papers that eat the efficiency gains. This may happen in some cases but is not a uniform trend I expect to materialize.

For qualitative research and QCA, I believe that the revolution is not coming for everyone. In qualitative research, the range is from unequivocal opposition to LLMs to their use for coding (I guess every major qualitative data analysis software now has AI functionalities). I haven’t tried, but I guess that Claude Code could produce a full-fledged qualitative analysis that involves LLM-based coding, so the question is less whether this can be done but whether it is done. I am grossly simplifying matters here: My understanding is that certain philosophical commitments that emphasize reflexivity and human understanding, for example, deny a role for LLMs in research, except maybe for minor purposes such as checking references for accuracy. For researchers who take this position, not much will change with the availability of Claude Code. In contrast, qualitative researchers who are open to full LLM assistance should be able to produce more papers and even books. These qualitative researchers may not be able to keep pace with the acceleration of output of quantitative research, but they are falling less behind than LLM deniers. Within qualitative research, this would create a new divide between scholars who refuse LLMs and produce less output than researchers who rely on LLMs.

For the field of QCA, I think the potential divide is the same as for qualitative research. Technically, the process from calibration to the discussion of results is standardized and follows a template that an LLM should be able to follow because it has been trained with QCA studies. The question for QCA is whether one believes in a strong role of case knowledge and reflexivity in making design choices such as calibration thresholds. If yes, this speaks against LLMs for the data analysis and, possibly, the writing process. If not, then an LLM could largely take over and should be able to run a full study. According to the textbook (like Schneider/Wagemann, Dusa, Oana/Schneider/Thomann, or Mello), QCA should be case-based. To the extent that case knowledge is not codified, for example in country memos in cross-national research, this inhibits the use of LLMs, and the potential for acceleration is limited. My reading of parts of QCA studies is that the role of case knowledge is uneven. Sometimes design choices are made based on data-dependent criteria, such as choosing the mean value of a variable for calibrating the crossover point, or without any justification at all. If such a route is taken, an LLM could play a greater role, and QCA research could be produced at a faster rate. The future will tell: I imagine the field of QCA will be split between adopters and non-adopters of LLMs, similarly to other domains of qualitative research.

There are two reasons why the acceleration (or not) of paper production through LLM adoption is likely to matter beyond self-reflection of methods used in the social sciences. First, researchers who can submit more papers to journals have higher chances of getting published and will publish more eventually. This would not be important if research “productivity” was irrelevant for hiring, promotion, funding, and awards. So far, the quantity of output still seems to matter for many decisions (at some institutions more than at others), implying that the non-adoption of LLMs may have adverse consequences for a career.  

Second, the more uneven the adoption of LLM assistance by researchers who use different methods, the more uneven the “playing field” becomes. Let’s take the extreme scenario of all quantitative researchers fully endorsing Claude Code and no qualitative researcher doing the same. The number of quantitative submissions would go up sharply, while the qualitative submissions remain on the same level. Assuming LLM assistance has no negative effects on the research quality of quantitative research, on average, qualitative submissions would find it much harder to get published because they are outnumbered even more than they are at present (at many journals this is the case, I imagine). Besides other potential consequences of the “Claude Code revolution” for the social sciences and journal publishing, I think there is a high probability of disrupting the field because of the uneven adoption of LLM assistance across methods.

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Cases and conditions in Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA)
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A critical discussion of the role of case-to-condition ratios in Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). Continue reading →
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This post is about the new article Case-to-Condition Ratios in Qualitative Comparative Analysis: Adding Cases Instead of Removing Conditions by Glaessner. The article is a good discussion about N and case selection in QCA embedded in the broader exchange about case-to-condition ratios in QCA (original article on this topic; its criticism; a response to the criticism and a response to the response). The question that underlies this exchange is whether empirical QCA research should not exceed a certain ratio of cases to conditions to enhance the chances of distinguishing a systematic pattern in the data from random data.

I have never been quite content with the case-to-condition discussion. The N is fixed once has specified the population, as the article notes. The conditions should follow from theory and a causal model. Fiddling around with the cases, the conditions, or both, because of their ratio cannot do any good if the population and theory have been correctly specified. You will either add superfluous cases or conditions, or remove relevant cases or conditions.

In practice, of course, one may be uncertain about the shape of the population and theoretical implications for QCA. This should be subject to a sensitivity analysis systematically altering the composition of the population and the conditions in the analysis. It should be unrelated to the case-to-condition ratio, so, personally, I don’t see that it should play role in case-oriented and theory-guided QCA.

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Does uncertainty undermine statistical power analysis?
power analysissample size calculationstatisticsuncertainty
The post critiques the paper "Uncertainty limits the use of power analysis". It highlights issues with power analysis because of uncertainty deriving from sampling variability and fluctuating population effect sizes. While acknowledging valid points, I believe the paper's conclusions are overly dismissive and argue for a refined approach to power and sample size estimation, if one accepts that uncertainty is a problem. Continue reading →
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The post is about a paper titled Uncertainty limits the use of power analysis. If you want to avoid the paywalled version on the APA website, there is also an ungated preprint. I came across the paper through this mainly critical blog post. I think there are good points in both texts and some arguments that are taken too far.

On the article: I am skeptical about the severity of the two issues that are addressed. The first argument is that power analysis is uncertain because of sampling variability. This assumes power is estimated based on data, which many have pointed out is not a good idea (for example here), in parts exactly for this reason. Here, the blog post rightly points out that one should decide about the level of power and estimate the sample size for the smallest effect size of interest. This seems to be ignored in the article.

The second source of uncertainty that is addressed is random fluctuation in the population effect size. I find this one a bit harder to follow. This point subsumes a range of issues, including hidden moderators and measurement error. It sounds to me like the population effect size is fixed at a given point in time for a given population, but one may measure it imprecisely; or that the effect varies across subgroups, which to me are issues that one should be able to address. One has to define precisely the target population, for example, or one has to include estimates of measurement error in the empirical analysis in the sample size calculation.

This point is related to the article’s conclusion. On the one hand, I agree that sample size calculation should not only be based on power estimation. On the other hand, I find the conclusion to be too dismissive (“place limited confidence” in using power, or “not use it at all”). It is important to point out shortcomings and conclude “it is more difficult than one may think”. However, in this case it seems like the problems can be addressed by making power and sample size estimation a bit more complex. There are limits to making procedures more complex, but I don’t think the limit has been reached yet.

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Is it science when you don’t publish it?
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The debate between Yann LeCun and Elon Musk, reported in Nature, questions whether science necessitates publishing results. My position is that science depends on how you produce your knowledge, not necessarily requiring publication. Only if you face the public, you need to publish about your work. Continue reading →
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Nature reports about a debate on X that started between Yann LeCun and Elon Musk. In short, the question is whether you can only call ‘science’ science when you publish your results. The Nature article is paywalled, but you can, as of now, still read the original post by LeCun that initiated the discussion.

If I remember correctly, my methods professor also said it’s only science when you publish it. I wasn’t convinced then (long time ago) and am still not convinced today. For me, science is about the process of producing knowledge, which does not require publication. (a position also addressed in the Nature article) To illustrate my position, imagine you stranded on an island and run your own small experiments to figure out how to survive. The experiments could cover different techniques of growing vegetables and fruit; different techniques of storing food and water; etc. Wouldn’t this be scientific and science?

I think one needs to distinguish what one does with scientifically generated insights. If you face the public with your findings, you have to publish them to allow others to evaluate your research. If you don’t claim anything publicly based on your research, there is no need for publishing. Of course, privately done research is also likely to benefit from public scrutiny and feedback. If you get a second or third opinion of how to grow vegetables and store them, your chances of surviving are likely to increase. However, if you don’t want anything from the public because of your research (promotion, money, fame, whatever), you can keep your science for yourself and still call it science because it is in the process.

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Open Science is neither passé nor is it there yet
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Is Open Science passé? is the question asked by Xenia Schmalz in this blogpost. I recommend reading it before I share brief thoughts on some points that are raised. I wish an open science movement was not needed anymore, but … Continue reading →
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Is Open Science passé? is the question asked by Xenia Schmalz in this blogpost. I recommend reading it before I share brief thoughts on some points that are raised.

I wish an open science movement was not needed anymore, but I agree this is most likely not the answer to the leading question. Neither has the open science movement failed; progress toward more transparent and credible science is simply slow. When one looks at how many articles share code and data (or, maybe, how many do not); what the quality of the shared material is (README file, code annotation etc.); how often substantive significance is not discussed or misinterpreted in quantitative research etc., I feel there is still much room for improvement. The question is what this means for open science and meta science.

Does it make sense to write another article on the misinterpretation of the p-value in a given fieldor subfield? Probably yes, it depends on the field. It may be less needed in a field like psychology because there seems to be a larger degree of awareness to matters of research quality and credibility. In other fields, probably including political science, it may be interesting to review the interpretation of p-values and substantive significance because fewer graduate students may have received training on this. Do we need another many-analysts study showing that results differ across analysts? I am less sure about that, but this is a topic for a separate blog post.

I think the reviewer comment that motivates the blog post by Xenia Schmaltz illustrates that for many papers the study and results may be obvious to a researcher from the field, leading to a comment like “What’s the news here?“. For many other researchers, however, the study may be interesting and important to read because they do not follow closely work on open science and meta science. It is fine when an empirical researchers pays most attention to theories and empirical issues that are pertinent to the own subfield because this is where the primary interest lies. For open science and meta science reserchers, this means that there is still much work to do, including research, teaching and publishing on topics that may seem like old news to experts from these two fields.

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“Resolving empirical controversies with mechanistic evidence” – Some thoughts
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The article "Resolving empirical controversies with mechanistic evidence" discusses the potential of using evidence about mechanisms to resolve statistical disagreements and aid in choosing the correct quantitative model. While there are challenges and uncertainties in this approach, it emphasizes the value of theorizing about mechanisms and collecting evidence about them, especially in disciplines like economics. Continue reading →
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Recently, I came across the open access article Resolving empirical controversies with mechanistic evidence. I have some thoughts on the arguments made in the article, but first a disclaimer: This is not meant to be a disciplinary beauty contest.

The article raises a valuable point: Two or more quantitative models may produce contradictory results. Depending on the research question at hand, it may be possible to use quantitative evidence, specification tests etc. to choose one correct model (leaving aside here what “correct” means). Let’s say this is the stand-alone quantitative approach toward adjudicating between models. A complementary strategy is to use evidence about mechanisms that connect the cause to the outcome.

First, the points I agree with:
1) I concur with the argument that evidence about mechanisms can resolve statistical disagrements. This particularly concerns questions of what variables to include in a model. Statistical controversies about whether to estimate fixed effects or random effects are unlikely to be resolvable through mechanism evidence because this is an estimation matter.
2) Economics, which is primarily quantitatively oriented and the focus of the article, has much potential to benefit from incorporating mechanism evidence if it is qualitative.

Now brief thoughts on the argument: From my peripheral knowledge of economics, there is discussion of mechanisms, understood as mediators, that are studied quantitatively. One can question whether mediators are mechanisms; my point is that there are studies in economics, but also in political science, that treat the two synonymously. As far as I understand evidential pluralism as it was popularized by Russo and Williamson, the analysis of mediators would qualify as collecting evidence about mechanisms. (On a slightly unrelated note, this still leaves me struggling with the distinction between ‘difference-making evidence’ and ‘mechanism evidence’ because it seems like the latter can also be evidence that a mechanism makes a difference.)

The general literature about mixed methods, and the social science literature about nested analysis in particular, have a long tradition of discussing strategies for integrating different kinds of evidence collected and analyzed with different methods. As the article on resolving empirical controversies discusses at the end, evidence about mechanisms may help in settling on one quantitative model, but not necessarily. The evidence about the presence or absence of mechanisms may be too weak to make strong inferences about whether and what mechanisms tie the cause to the outcome. Or there may be good evidence for multiple possible mechanisms, leaving one uncertain about what mechanism, or pair of mechanisms, sustains a causal effect. Notwithstanding these issues that one may confront, it is worth the effort to theorize mechanisms and to collect evidence about them.

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Citation-infusion of research papers with AI?
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Sourcely, an AI company, promises to streamline research by finding, summarizing, and adding credible sources in minutes. While this sounds appealing, skepticism arises as using such a tool may prioritize citing over genuine research. Initial tests revealed limited functionality, leaving doubts about its practical value in the research process. Continue reading →
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I came across the AI company Sourcely these days. It promises to “Finish Your Research in Minutes. Save Your Sleep. Paste your essay to find, summarize, and add credible sources. (That’s something Google Scholar can’t do!)” Saving time for sleep is good and if it would work, it would outperform GS, or any traditional search for citations and references, for that matter. However, I have some thoughts and concerns.

It may be obvious: Finishing research in minutes by infusing citations is an illusory promise. If one had done the research project properly, one would not need a tool (AI-based or not) to gather some sources and insert them in the manuscript at the very end. One should know relevant sources and references at the beginning, or try to find them early on in the project before starting to write. At least, this is the sequence I would recommend.

I pasted a title for a hypothetical article, not an entire essay into the text box on the landing page (there is a 300 characters limit in any case). The results were okay, but not better than what I would have gotten from Google Scholar. It may work better with more text, or with more training of the AI, but it does not seem to be there yet.

If it would work as promised, it would bring the cite-something-for-the-sake-of-citing attitude to its peak. Sourcely promises “credible sources”, leaving me unclear what “credible” is supposed to mean. The hits that I got were published articles from non-predatory journals, as far as I could tell. The publications were credible in that sense. However, some seem too specialized for the title that I entered, some were from fields too remote from the field I used in the title (“political science”).

The bottom line is: I am skeptical about the value of such services, even if they worked as intended. Reading is part of the research process and not the final stage. If one looks for citations only in the last step, one has done something wrong early on in the process. This is not to say that all AI should be banned from research or is useless. ChatGPT and other AI assisting in coding are of great value, for example. However, there may be some parts of the research process for which AI is not made; not yet, at least.

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Qualitative Methods in Computational Social Science
mixed methods researchmultimethod researchnested analysiscomputational social sciencequalitative
This post summarizes some (late) thoughts on the short article The data revolution in social science needs qualitative research by Grigoropoulou and Small, published in Nature Human Behavior. This is an excellent article that systemizes the ways in which qualitative … Continue reading →
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This post summarizes some (late) thoughts on the short article The data revolution in social science needs qualitative research by Grigoropoulou and Small, published in Nature Human Behavior. This is an excellent article that systemizes the ways in which qualitative research should complement big data/computational social science (CSS) and gives example of work that has done this already (I understand big data/CSS to be the focus here).

From the perspective of political science, this complements calls for combining qualitative and quantitative research

They, in turn, build at least implicitly on a much longer history of mixed-methods research in other disciplines of the social sciences.

What I wish for is that the value of qualitative research is not (re)discovered for every (new) quantitative method, but that it becomes standard to understand that quantitative methods are based on at least some assumptions that must be assessed with qualitative research. This is not meant as criticism of the article in Nature Human Behavior because it hopefully helps in contributing to such a general understanding.

It is also important that one does qualitative research as a complement to quantitative research that meets the rigor and standards of whatever qualitative method is used. This might involve standards for theory-centered case selection, evaluation of source credibility and the balanced interpretation of evidence. The rising standards of qualitative and quantitative methods suggest one best works in mixed-methods teams. This point has been made by George & Bennett in 2005 already and is even more valid now than it has been 17 years ago.

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Science should be as fast as possible and as slow as necessary to do good research
meta sciencereproducabilitypeer reviewpublishingslow science
The LSE Impact blog has a post from May 2021 raising some reservations about the idea of ‘Slow Science’. The ‘Slow Science’ idea hasn’t really picked up in academia, as far as I can tell. The post presents some good … Continue reading →
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The LSE Impact blog has a post from May 2021 raising some reservations about the idea of ‘Slow Science’. The ‘Slow Science’ idea hasn’t really picked up in academia, as far as I can tell. The post presents some good thoughts about why the “slowness-idea” is problematic in general. I agree that slowness is not a value in itself. Sometimes, developments and events like a pandemic demand it to do research faster than one would do it otherwise. However, research about Covid-19 also showed that the research process can be too fast, leading to corrections and retractions of published articles.

There most likely is a negative relationship between duration of the research process and probably of making mistakes that need to be corrected (not to speak of outright fraud and data fabrication here). “fast” and “slow” do not work well as absolute categories. With regard to peer review, ordinary peer review is too slow (editor fatigue, reviewer fatigue, submissions to multiple journals over several years), accelerated peer review for Covid-19 papers was probably too fast, on average. Over the entire process, the guiding idea should be to be as fast as possible and as slow as necessary. It is best to be as fast as possible to produce new insights. At the same time, one should be as slow as necessary to make sure that safeguards are taken; that alternative ways to realize a study are traded off against each other; and to maximize the chances that the results are valid.

What could contribute to slowing down empirical research is a different understanding of what counts as ‘research’ and ‘science’ more broadly. It would help if empirical research was not only about publishing in journals, but about making the analysis and paper transparent and accessible following certain standards (for example like these). Preparing material, code and data for sharing in a repository, writing a README file, posting the preprint for green open access in a trusted repository etc. This would all help in slowing down publishing and in improving the science that is published.

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Is payment for publications and paying for citations a better to way to fund research? Most likely not
publication biaspublishingsciencefunding
In place of a generic blog post, I am reposting a short Twitter thread here. The thread is a response to an opinion piece on the Times Higher Education website titled Pay researchers for results, not plans. (Posts on the … Continue reading →
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In place of a generic blog post, I am reposting a short Twitter thread here. The thread is a response to an opinion piece on the Times Higher Education website titled Pay researchers for results, not plans. (Posts on the THE website require registration of an account that includes a couple of free reads.)

I copy-paste thread into this post. If you prefer to read it on Threadreader, you find it here.


Lots of arguments in https://www.timeshighereducation.com/opinion/pay-researchers-results-not-plans I disagree with or are questionable. To start with a point of agreement: Yes, current modes for getting competitive research grants are not ideal. But I am fairly skeptical the proposed alternative is superior 1/

Let’s leave aside that ‘impact’ seems to be equated with publishing and citations: Getting paid for publications would, in the current system, most likely not improve research and funding allocation. I think it wouldn’t be different than it is right now where researchers 2/

aim to get published in journals that are perceived to be of high impact/high quality bc of potential positive effects for grant applications, tenure, promotions etc. Funding agencies paying for publications in a list of “approved venues” (who would decide about this list?) 3/

would set strong and potentially wrong incentives to get published in these venues (p-hacking etc.).
Another proposal is that authors who published in these venues can give money to authors they cited in their own study. The idea is that authors can reward 4/

“major enablers or precursors” of the new research. It is difficult to see how this could not contribute to formation of clubs, networks and collusive behavior to keep the money inside your own research clique.
The claim that science is an industry is to some degree right, 5/

but the conclusion is not, IMO. An analogy to industry is: “You buy a car, not a document describing a car that may or may not be built, and the carmaker gets paid when it delivers the car.” First, I guess in the history of car-making there had been funding for plans for cars 6/

that were not built. Second, this conflates basic and applied research, where the article seems to have a strong preference for the latter. Third, a car-buyer knows that the car meets certain standards bc of laws and regulations that are enforced (most of the time, at least) 7/

This is not where I see scientific publications (generally speaking) at the moment wrt to transparency, reproducibility (if applicable) etc. Funding allocation could be partially revised by attaching higher priority to these elements of research. 8/

It is then of secondary importance whether a single plan to build a car worked or didn’t work and whether there is a car or not. If certain standards are followed and enforced, one can be confident that the result is credible and can serve as the basis for follow-up research 9/

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